The End Of The Peace Process Oslo And After Pdf

the end of the peace process oslo and after pdf

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The Road to Oslo.

Much of the debate regarding what went wrong with the Oslo process has been framed in terms of the failure of Israel and the Palestinians to properly implement the Oslo Accords. For example, Dennis Ross has written that, in the interests of protecting the negotiating process, the US was not sufficiently forthright in demanding that the Israelis stop settlement activity and that the Palestinians do more to combat terrorism. This debate suffers from three major limitations.

Both sides agreed that a Palestinian Authority PA would be established and assume governing responsibilities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over a five-year period. Then, permanent status talks on the issues of borders, refugees, and Jerusalem would be held. By the time Clinton left office, however, the peace process had run aground, and a new round of Israeli-Palestinian violence had begun. The Clinton administration did not initially make Israeli-Palestinian peace a priority. An Israeli-Syrian agreement, they reasoned, would also lead to an Israeli-Lebanese agreement, and help isolate Iraq and Iran, the principal regional opponents of the peace process.

What Is U.S. Policy on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?

Both sides agreed that a Palestinian Authority PA would be established and assume governing responsibilities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over a five-year period. Then, permanent status talks on the issues of borders, refugees, and Jerusalem would be held. By the time Clinton left office, however, the peace process had run aground, and a new round of Israeli-Palestinian violence had begun. The Clinton administration did not initially make Israeli-Palestinian peace a priority.

An Israeli-Syrian agreement, they reasoned, would also lead to an Israeli-Lebanese agreement, and help isolate Iraq and Iran, the principal regional opponents of the peace process. The latter agreement divided the West Bank into separate areas under Israeli control, Palestinian control, and Israeli military responsibility with Palestinian civil administration, respectively. Since the Oslo Accord did not give the United States monitoring responsibilities, the Clinton administration found itself largely confined to defusing crises and building up the Palestinian Authority with economic aid and security assistance.

On the Israeli-Syrian track, the administration exerted itself more forcefully, but with few results. The Israelis wanted to pull back to the international border, which would have left the Sea of Galilee under their sovereignty.

That July, Rabin indicated to Christopher that Israel would withdraw to the June 4 line if Syria met its other needs, paving the way for talks between Israeli and Syrian military officers. However, these negotiations eventually bogged down over whether Israel could retain early warning stations on the Golan, and also became politically controversial in Israel. New Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu hailed from the Likud Party, which had historically opposed Palestinian statehood and withdrawal from the occupied territories.

Worried that the peace process might collapse, the Clinton administration involved itself more actively in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.

In January , following intensive U. Barak predicted that he could reach agreements with both Syria and the Palestinians in 12 to 15 months, and pledged to withdraw Israeli troops from southern Lebanon. In September, Barak signed the Sharm al-Shaykh Memorandum with Arafat, which committed both sides to begin permanent status negotiations. An initial round of meetings, however, achieved nothing, and by December the Palestinians suspended talks over settlement-building in the occupied territories.

Barak then focused on Syria. In January , Israeli, Syrian, and U. Barak then withdrew Israeli forces unilaterally from Lebanon and returned to the Palestinian track. On September 28, riots erupted following a visit of Likud Party leader Ariel Sharon to the Temple Mount, and soon escalated into a wave of Israeli-Palestinian violence that became known as the al-Aqsa Intifada.

In December , Clinton put forward his own proposals for an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. By this point, however, the president was leaving office, Barak faced electoral defeat, and Israeli-Palestinian violence continued unabated. Thus, by the end of , the prospect of ending the Arab-Israeli conflict looked more distant than it had eight years earlier. The Clinton administration had helped facilitate Israeli-Jordanian peace and lay the foundations for Palestinian self-rule.

More broadly, the negotiations of the s helped Israel, the Palestinians, and Syria break with numerous diplomatic taboos and establish a basis for what a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace might look like. But a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict remained elusive.

Menu Menu. Milestones: — For more information, please see the full notice. William J. Clinton Presidential Library.

The End of the Peace Process

Although the United States is a strong supporter of Israel, it has traditionally tried to advance a diplomatic solution that would reconcile the competing claims of the two parties. Multiple U. However, critics say prospects for a two-state solution dimmed under President Donald J. Trump, who implemented a slew of controversial policies regarding core components of the conflict. Middle East and North Africa. Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Palestinian Territories.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the mids between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization PLO ushered in a period of both promise and confusion, especially for the Palestinians. The creation of the Palestinian National Authority PA , a transitional government of limited self-rule in the occupied territories, added an institutional layer to Palestinian politics that quickly became difficult to distinguish from the PLO, in no small part because the leadership of both entities was the same. Omar H. Over time, Palestinian representation also suffered from this institutional ambiguity, with the PLO, the representative of all Palestinians, subsumed by the far more parochial PA. Subsequent events led to the rupture of the Palestinian body politic, the deterioration of the democratic process in the occupied territories, and the strengthening of authoritarianism in both the West Bank and Gaza Strip, all of which have undermined the legitimacy of Palestinian representation.


The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After - Kindle edition by Said, Edward W​.. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, PC, phones or tablets.


The Oslo Accords and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process

The publication of the latest plan to end Israeli-Palestinian violence, the "Roadmap" may be an important step in achieving a negotiated settlement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Sponsored by the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations the "Quartet" , it may have the potential to end the violence that has wrecked Palestinian and Israeli civilian lives. However, Human Rights Watch is concerned by the failure of the roadmap to incorporate into its provisions internationally recognized human rights and international humanitarian law IHL principles, such as the need to bring to justice persons responsible for grave abuses. Other human rights and international humanitarian law standards are incorporated not as binding obligations but as political benchmarks subject to negotiation, political expediency, and performance by other parties.

The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: Lessons from Oslo

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