Joseph De Maistre And The Origins Of Fascism Pdf

joseph de maistre and the origins of fascism pdf

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Don't have an account? This chapter examines the contribution of philosopher and political theorist Georges Sorel and critic Charles Maurras on the emergence of secular state corporatism and modern totalitarianism. It suggests that Sorel demonstrated not the slightest self-awareness and thus transferred early Christian anti-heresiology into various 19th- and 20th-century revolutionary movements.

Isaiah Berlin was one of the most important philosophers of the twentieth century--an activist of the intellect who marshaled vast erudition and eloquence in defense of the endangered values of individual liberty and moral and political plurality. In The Crooked Timber of Humanity he exposes the links between the ideas of the past and the social and political cataclysms of our own time: between the Platonic belief in absolute truth and the lure of authoritarianism; between the eighteenth-century reactionary ideologue Joseph de Maistre and twentieth-century Fascism; between the romanticism of Schiller and Byron and the militant--and sometimes genocidal--nationalism that convulses the modern world.

Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism

A key figure of the Counter-Enlightenment , [6] Maistre regarded monarchy both as a divinely sanctioned institution and as the only stable form of government. Maistre argued that the rationalist rejection of Christianity was directly responsible for the disorder and bloodshed which followed the French Revolution of His mother's family, whose surname was Desmotz, were from Rumilly. Maistre was probably educated by the Jesuits. After completing his training in the law at the University of Turin in , he followed in his father's footsteps by becoming a Senator in

Joseph de Maistre

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Victor Hugo, Chansons des Rues et des Bois. The personality and the outlook of Joseph de Maistre are not normally considered to be puzzling or elusive by historians of political or religious thought. In an age when the confluence of apparently incompatible ideas and attitudes, deriving from heterogeneous historical traditions, generated a number of protean personalities, too complex and contradictory to be fitted into the familiar categories, Maistre is regarded as being exceptionally simple, solid, and clear. Historians, biographers, political theorists, historians of ideas, theologians have expended much subtlety upon conveying the political and social atmosphere of the late eighteenth century and the early nineteenth, the peculiar quality characteristic of a time of transition between sharply divergent outlooks, of which such psychologically complex figures as Goethe and Herder, Schleiermacher and Friedrich Schlegel, Fichte and Schiller, Benjamin Constant and Chateaubriand, Saint-Simon and Stendhal, Tsar Alexander I of Russia and indeed Napoleon himself are typical representatives. The feeling of some contemporary observers is perhaps to some degree conveyed by the celebrated painting by Baron Gros, now in the Louvre, of Napoleon at Eylau.

Mussolini and Hitler did not invent fascist ideology. Indeed, fascism was neither a 20th-century creation nor a peculiarly Italian or German one. Many fascist ideas derived from the reactionary backlash to the progressive revolutions of , , , and and to the secular liberalism and social radicalism that accompanied these upheavals. De Maistre condemned the 18th-century Enlightenment for having subverted the dominance of traditional religion and traditional elites and paid homage to the public executioner as the protector of a divinely sanctioned social hierarchy. Taine lamented the rise to power of the masses, whom he suggested were at a lower stage of biological evolution than aristocrats. Le Bon wrote a primer on how to divert the barbarism of the masses from revolution to reaction. Anti-Semitism was a staple in the work of Drumont, Maurras, Lagarde, Langbehn, and a host of other best-selling authors.

Georges Sorel and Charles Maurras

He defended hierarchical societies and a monarchical State in the period immediately following the French Revolution. Maistre was a subject of the King of Piedmont-Sardinia , whom he served as member of the Savoy Senate — , ambassador to Russia — , [ 2 ] and minister of state to the court in Turin — Maistre, a key figure of the Counter-Enlightenment , saw monarchy both as a divinely sanctioned institution and as the only stable form of government. He called for the restoration of the House of Bourbon to the throne of France and argued that the Pope should have ultimate authority in temporal matters.

Fascism and nonfascist conservatisms: Collaboration and crossover

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Christian J.


Journal of the History of Ideas